Environmentalism, Ethical Trade, and Commodification by Adam Henne

Author:Adam Henne [Henne, Adam]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Social Science, Anthropology, Cultural & Social, Science, Environmental Science, Developing & Emerging Countries
ISBN: 9781317819295
Google: kV_LCQAAQBAJ
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2015-06-05T02:47:28+00:00

Notes

1. In Spanish, training is capacitación. I attended a number of events like this, and only gradually developed a sense of the subtle differences between capicitaciónes, educación, fomentación, talleres, seminarios, gestión, fortilización, and the suite of other terms Chileans use to refer to different types of educational activities. In general, capicitación refers to trainings intended to confer a capacity or skill to a subaltern group, especially in the context of empowering campesinos to participate in the various bureaucratic forms and processes of development work. To my ear it has a paternalistic tone.

2. ISO 14.000 is a standard for voluntary certification of environmental management systems developed by the International Organization for Standardization, a coalition of national standardization bodies from 162 member states. ISO standards provide voluntary guidelines for national standards governing everything from software protocols to the sizing of industrial components (Sheldon 1997).

3. Mapuche activists often asked me what kind of anthropologist I was. For the record, the correct answer for this audience is “political”; “cultural” anthropology they equate to folklorización, exoticism or Orientalism.

4. Hartwig has been an important figure in Chilean forestry since the 1970s, and one of the key promoters of the plantation model. His book, La Tierra Que Recuperamos (1994), remains one of the key pieces in the argument for plantations as “replacement forests” (see Chapter 1, and Clapp 1998a). His employer, Forestal Mininco, was one of the timber companies most implicated in conflicts with Mapuche communities in the mid-1990s—hence my surprise, imagining Pablo in his classroom.

5. In Stoler and Cooper’s terms: “We ask as well how the ways in which colonial states organized knowledge constrains the scholar who returns to those archives (oral as well as written) in an attempt to analyze the colonial situation…. We are concerned here not only with the ways—complicated as they are—in which colonial regimes regulated sexuality and biological reproduction but also with how categories of race, class and gender helped to define moral superiority and maintain cultural differences that in turn justified different intensities of violence…. With a founding premise that social transformations are a product of both global patterns and local struggles, we treat metropole and colony in a single analytic field” (1997, 4).

6. Lowe’s attempts to educate divers about critical injuries or even deaths from the ‘bends’ were thus met with little response by conservationists—the field of reason that they articulated necessarily eliminated the trace of superstition and framed its practitioners as risks to biodiversity.

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